The Ostian synagogue housed a Torah ark dedicated to the health of the Roman emperor, and the building itself was inserted into civic life; in this case, the synagogue wa situated across from a late antique bath and an earlier villa, even as the Jewish community maintained their own set of scriptures and their own sense of sacred time. The Christian community showed a similar desire to integrate into cities. Constantine himself, in a more deliberate, physical expression of his legal policy of toleration, built in Constantinople both the Christian Hagia Eirene and a traditional C apitolium — dedicated to Jupiter, Juno, and Minerva.
These urban transformations were not all peaceful or harmonious. Transformation, to one, could mean radical change, to another. Thus, as in the private domain, public sacred spaces became the arena for attitudes of coexistence and confrontation across the late antique world. Those two values, confrontation and coexistence, which had defined life for many Jews, Christians, and non-Christians throughout the Roman Empire, would remain important to urban histories throughout later antiquity.
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Four years after the death of Muhammad, in CE, the dominion of the Islamic world was increasing exponentially, as Muslim forces readied a siege of yet another city that stood within their path. The two formally met for the surrender a year later, as the city of Jerusalem was transferred over to the Rashidun Caliphate in CE, marking the holiest conquest of the entire Muslim campaign of expansion. As with any other urban center placed under Islamic control in this period, an independent place of worship had to be established for Muslims, ultimately resulting in the Dome of the Rock.
This building is often seen as the pinnacle of Umayyad architectural and artistic achievement, but before its foundation, a more modest mosque is attested to have been constructed in the city of Jerusalem. That hidden history offers an important reminder about the study of late antique cities. Many of the first generation of mosques were later expanded or reconstructed to the point that the original construction is no longer visible—further complicated by restrictions on excavations in holy cities such as Mecca and Medina—and textual evidence allows for a limited reconstruction of what these mosques looked like.
Mosques would go on to feature a space for prayer, a symbol that indicated the direction of Mecca where worshippers would pray towards known as the qibla , and some sort of covering to protect the congregation from the elements.
Cambridge Scholars Publishing. Late Antiquity in Contemporary Debate
These locations were known as congregational mosques al-masajid al-jami and served as social and political centers of urban areas, with smaller tribal mosques existing in the quarters of large cities. The Dome of the Rock itself was completed in on the Temple Mount, and the significance of its location above the remains of the Second Temple is still debated.
Some scholars suggest that its builders saw the construction as an outright successor to the Second Temple, while others maintain that its location was chosen to emphasize the domination of Islam over Christianity and Judaism. The dimensions of its titular dome virtually match that of the one located in the Church of the Holy Sepulchre in Jerusalem, and are perhaps another intentional symbol of both the continuity and supremacy of Islam.
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Whatever the initial purpose of the Dome of the Rock was, it was certainly not a congregational mosque; the nearby al-Aqsa Mosque served this purpose and acted as a more utilitarian space for daily usage, along with accommodations for the large crowds present for weekly worship. Damascus tells one such story. The Great Mosque of Damascus was constructed in and was built on the framework of an ancient temenos that had served as the boundaries of a Roman temple and later a Christian church.
Many of these mosques would have minarets. While its exact origins are unknown, the minaret emerged in mosque complexes within Syria and Egypt as a way to not only summon daily calls for prayer across newly occupied towns, but serve as potent symbols of the presence of these Islamic centers in conquered urban centers, as individual cities began to create their own sacred sites of Islam into their existing urban framework.
Soon, caliphs, too, like the Caesars before them, were entering the urban competition. This tendency was continued by the Umayyads, and with both the direct association of the caliphate and the major regional mosques, these palaces served as one of the major forms of sacred spaces that could be created in cities that did not expressly serve as houses of worship in and of themselves.
Pneumatic technology and knowledge in antiquity
The most famous example of these early Islamic palaces came after the fall of the Umayyads, with the creation of the City of Peace, better known as Baghdad. The planning of Baghdad, constructed in , is in many ways a fitting end to a long, late antique story of cities, power, and empire. The city was built on a perfectly circular design that featured a diameter of around meters, with homes and markets built within its outer walls.
He required the future history teachers in his charge to be able to prove to Soviet high school students that, while reading Alexandre Dumas, they should suppress their sympathies for the musketeers and sympathize with Cardinal Richelieu instead; after all, Richelieu was trying to establish absolutism, which was far more progressive than the feudal conception of freedom. The university students didn't have much sympathy for this professor, not because of his radical dialectical thinking, but because he was stingy with good grades, so that someone even poured sugar into his carburetor; his car wouldn't start, and kept him from coming to give the an exam.
At the same time, the story of the musketeers and the cardinal really isn't all that clearcut, and Dumas knew it too; it is no coincidence that in "Twenty Years After," D'Artagnan and his friends are on different sides of "the barricades" in a battle with Cardinal Mazin and the king on the one side, and the aristocratic Fronde on the other. Psychological and logical interpretations can relate to various binary oppositions in different ways.
The thing is that those people who sympathize with the Jacobins will tend to project the values of the Great French Revolution onto 17th century France; here, they honestly lend their sympathies to either the king or the Fronde; depending on the arguments and context, both the one side and the other presents itself as a progressive force or a factor in the defence of national interests.
Anyone with a system of values formed by the experience of 20th century avant-garde art will find him-herself in a similarly ambivalent situation, projecting the opposition of modernity and antiquity, one that Charles Baudelaire suggested in the midth century.
For us, antiquity already lies far beyond the bounds of actuality, kept on the reservation of museums and encyclopedias. In Baudelaire's time, antiquity seemed real enough and even somehow really was a reality, albeit limited by official academic. Now, in turn, modernity has long since become a reality, and has even almost already retreated into the past, while for Baudelaire, modernity was something completely new and fresh, though it wasn't even really as much as it promised.
As is commonly known, Baudelaire first formulates the problem of artistic modernism in his famous article " Le peintre de la vie moderne " The Artist of Modern Life. This article is dedicated to a certain Monsieur G. We now know that these initials belonged to a Parisian graphic artist of Dutch origin, a certain Constantin Guys. In Baudelaire's time, Guys was popular; Baudelaire himself spent almost all of his available money on lithographs by M.
Today, his work is all but forgotten, known only to a small circle of specialists, if at all. But in his day, one could even compare M. Was he a good artist? This is the wrong question entirely.
The fact is that M. His work, in the latter's opinion, embodied the very spirit, the mysterious beauty la beaute mysterieuse of modernity.
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Unlike the cumbersome reproductions of alleged antiquity that dominated the art of the time, Monsieur G. The 19th century had already seen such ephemera before, but in the drawings and lithographs of Monsieur G. According to Baudelaire, artists like Monsieur G. This is exactly where Baudelaire placed his emphasis.
The point was not to annul, supersede, or replace antiquity or ancient art, but to be worthy of it, and consequently, to make the elusive and momentary worth the eternal and fundamental. Of course, Baudelaire was not the last person to turn to this binary opposition or this symmetrical dyad. One might, for instance, remember a debate at a conference on the Russian avant-garde in the Greek town of Delphi, during which the specialist on constructivism Selim Khan-Magomedov issued a passionate rejoinder.
Essentially, he said that we only know two pure order systems in art history; one of these is that of ancient Greek art, the other that of constructivism. All others are unhealthy admixtures and crossbreeds that give rise to the metastases of post-modernism. This statement's pathos and its object both had their definite boundaries, but, again, it is yet another articulation of the idea of modernity as a second antiquity, though from a position very different than that of Baudelaire.
It turns out that one could profess modernity whilst deflecting its vector from the constant change of the ephemeral to the systemic and the fundamental. At the same time, a "second antiquity" did not necessarily need to throw the first modernity overboard.
Quite on the contrary, modernity could even lead to a rediscovery of antiquity, uncovering its essence not in secondary attributes togas, helmets, and column caps , but in its constructive or structural invariants, all the way to an immediate actualization of antiquity, beyond any classicist-academic attributes, as in the cubist-constructivist productions of Tairov, in which one found onself "immersed in the atmosphere of Hellas," according to contemporaries. But maybe this was just the atmosphere of free art? By the way, not all modernists belonged to some kind of neo-fundamentalist formation, even if they were contemporaries of suprematism, constructivism, or Bauhaus; not everyone adhered strictly to some kind of system.
It is enough to remember the examples of Mel'nikov or Tatlin, who did not really fit into any of the major tendencies and never suggested any "algorithms.